Pregnant nearly a year? The patient has symptoms but evidence is lacking

According to Koic,¹¹ pseudocyesis is a form of conversion disorder with underlying depression. This theory is based on literature reports of patients displaying similar personal, cultural, and social factors. These similarities, although not comprehensive, are paramount in both the diagnosis and treatment of this condition.

Often, pseudocyesis presents in patients with lower education and socioeconomic status.^1,3,11 This is particularly true in developing nations in sub-Saharan Africa and the Indian subcontinent. Case reports, cross-sectional, and longitudinal studies from these developing nations in particular note the extremely high stress placed on women to produce children for their husbands and family in male-dominated society; it is common for a woman to be rejected by her husband and family if she is unable to reproduce.³

The effect of a lower level of education on development of pseudocyesis appears to be multifactorial:

• Lack of understanding of the human body and reproductive health can lead to misperception of signs of pregnancy and bodily changes
• Low education correlates with poor earnings and worse prenatal care; delayed or no prenatal care also has been associated with an increased incidence of pseudocyesis.³

In Ouj’s study of pseudocyesis in Nigeria, the author postulated that an educated woman does not endure the same stress of fertility as an uneducated woman; she is already respected in her society and will not be rejected if she does not have children.³

Mrs. X’s ethnic background and continued close ties with sub-Saharan Africa are notable: Her background is one that is typically associated with pseudocyesis. She is from an developing country, did not complete higher education, was ostracized by her mother-in-law because of her inability to conceive, and was told several times, during her visits to Ghana, that she was indeed pregnant.

Mrs. X noted a strong desire to conceive for her husband and family and carried with her perhaps an even stronger fear of loss of marriage and female identity—which has been bolstered by the importance placed on the woman’s raison d’être in the family by her cultural upbringing.^3,6,9-11,15 What Mrs. X never made clear, however, was whether she wanted another child at her age and in the setting of having many friends and rewarding full-time employment.

Epidemiology of pseudocyesis worldwide has been evaluated in a handful of studies. As compiled by Cohen,⁸ the prevalence of pseudocyesis in Boston, Massachusetts, was 1/22,000 births, whereas it was dramatically higher in Sudan (1/160 women who had previously been managed for reproductive failure).¹ This discrepancy in prevalance is consistent with current theories on patient characteristics that lead to increased incidence of pseudocyesis in underdeveloped nations. A 1951 study at an academic hospital in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, noted 27 cases of pseudocyesis in maternity admissions during the study period—an incidence of 1 in 250.¹⁹ Of note, 85% of cases were of African American heritage; in 89% of cases, the woman had been trying to conceive for as long as 17 years.

Avoiding confrontation

Initially, Mrs. X was resistant to talking with a psychiatrist; this is consistent with studies showing that a patient can be suspicious and even hostile when a clinician attempts to engage her in mental health treatment.^10,16 The patient interprets the physical sensations she experiences during pseudocyesis, for example, as a real pregnancy, a perception that is contradicted by medical testing.

It is important to understand this conflict and to avoid confronting the patient directly about false beliefs; confrontation has been shown to be detrimental to patient recovery. Instead, offer the patient alternatives to her symptoms (ie, sensations of abdominal movement also can be caused by indigestion), while not directly discounting her experiences.^6,9 Indeed, from early on in the study of pseudocyesis, there have been many reports of resolution of symptoms when the physician helped the patient understand that she is not pregnant.^20,21

OUTCOME Supportive therapy

Mrs. X is seen for outpatient psychiatry follow-up several weeks after hospitalization. She acknowledges that, although she still thought pregnancy is possible, she is willing to entertain the idea that there could be another medical explanation for her symptoms.

Mrs. X is provided with supportive therapy techniques, and her marital and societal stressors are discussed. Psychotropic medications are considered, but eventually deemed unnecessary; the treatment team is concerned that Mrs. X, who remains wary of mental health providers, would view the offer of medication as offensive.

Mrs. X is seen in the gynecology clinic approximately 2 weeks later; there, a diagnosis of secondary anovulation is made and a workup for PCOS initiated.

Subsequent review of the medical record states that, during further follow-up with gynecology, Mrs. X no longer believes that she is pregnant.