ADVERTISEMENT

Racial Health Disparities, COVID-19, and a Way Forward for US Health Systems

Journal of Hospital Medicine 16(1). 2021 January;:J. Hosp. Med. 2021 January;16(1):50-52.Published Online First December 23, 2020. DOI: 10.12788/jhm.3545 | DOI: 10.12788/jhm.3545
Author and Disclosure Information

© 2021 Society of Hospital Medicine

SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, OCCUPATIONAL AND RESIDENTIAL RISK

Healthcare alone does not explain the observed disparities. The disproportionately high risk of contracting the SARS-CoV-2 virus among Black, Hispanic and Indigenous people can be explained by factors that render physical distancing a luxury. First, in terms of occupational hazards, only 1 in 5 Black and 1 in 6 Hispanic workers can work remotely compared with 1 in 3 White workers. Additionally, Black and Hispanic workers are more likely to have jobs classified as critical in industries such as food retail, hospitality, and public transit. In NYC, Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) employees reported using their own masks and home disinfectant at work, only to be reprimanded. By April 8, 2020, at least 41 MTA workers had died of COVID-19, and more than 6,000 were ill or self-quarantining, resulting in a transit crisis with increasingly long wait times and crowded subway platforms.9 Jason Hargrove, a Black bus driver in Detroit, shared a video underscoring the dangers of his work in which he says, “We’re out here as public workers, doing our job…but for you to get on the bus and stand on the bus, and cough several times without covering up your mouth . . . in the middle of a pandemic…some folks don’t care.” He died of COVID-19 complications 11 days after sharing his video.10 Such conditions likely also increased riders’ risk of contracting COVID-19. And while in aggregate, essential workers in healthcare receive more personal protective equipment (PPE) than those in other occupations, within NYC hospitals, the rationing of PPE was such that low-wage, nonmedical workers (79% of whom are Black or Hispanic) were given less PPE or none at all compared with nurses and physicians.11

Beyond occupational hazards, Black and Hispanic people are more likely to live in multigenerational homes, an identified risk factor of COVID-19 infection.12 Furthermore, Black and Hispanic people are overrepresented among homeless people as well as among those incarcerated. These social conditions, all products of structural racism, substantially and adversely affect the health status of Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous people, especially as it relates to comorbidities associated with higher COVID-19 mortality.

DISPARITIES IN HEALTH STATUS

Black people are disproportionately represented among COVID-19 patients requiring hospitalization, consistent with more severe disease or delayed presentation. For instance, among a cohort of 3,626 patients in a health system in Louisiana, 76.9% of COVID-19 patients hospitalized and 70.6% of those who died were Black, even though Black people comprise only 31% of this health system’s patient population.13 Conditions associated with COVID-19 mortality include heart failure, obesity, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous people have higher rates of these chronic illnesses,14 increasing COVID-19 mortality risk. The increased prevalence of these illnesses is attributable to the aforementioned social conditions and environmental factors and to the additional stress associated with repeated exposure to discrimination.15

RECOMMENDATIONS

Although the disparities highlighted during the pandemic are staggering, this moment can serve as a portal to reimagine a more equitable healthcare system. Health systems and providers should (1) remain vigilant in addressing bias and its effects on patient care; (2) implement strategies to mitigate structural bias and use data to rapidly mitigate disparities in quality of care and transitions in care; and (3) address inequities, diversity, and inclusion across the entire healthcare workforce.